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This article first appeared
in the 12 February 2006 edition of The Sunday Business Post and
is reproduced here with their kind permission.
With
its role in the global protests over Danish cartoons of the
prophet Mohammed and its ongoing nuclear programme, Iran
seems determined to send a message to the west.
The International Atomic Energy Agency’s referral of
Iran to the UN Security Council over its nuclear activities has
left many in the international community fearing an imminent
crisis.
At the same time, public and diplomatic attention has
been diverted by the bloody protests over the Danish cartoons
- some clearly
provoked by Iran.
Non ‘great power’ states seek nuclear
weapons either for survival or for prestige and bargaining power.
Those which
have sought nuclear weapons for survival include Israel, North
Korea and Pakistan.
Other states, such as India, have pursued
nuclear weapons for political status and to give them bargaining
power.
Iran falls into this category and it has pursued its nuclear
programme for decades, starting during the reign of the Shah.
Though Iran is some years away from having the ability to make
a nuclear weapon, the decision to go for a weapons programme
is dangerously close to the point of no return.
Iran’s
industry and its military will benefit from a nuclear weapons
programme and are coalescing around the push to acquire
the knowledge to make a nuclear weapon. This bureaucratic pressure
is supported by conservatives, moderates and the student movement
in Iran.
Once that point of no return is passed, any negotiations
are going to be much more difficult.
The best solution to the
crisis would be a grand bargain between Iran and the US, supported
by the EU, China, India, Japan and
Russia.
In return for security guarantees and the promise of
no enforced regime change, Iran would be expected to co-operate
in the long-term
stabilisation of Iraq. It would also be required to modify its
nuclear programme to eliminate the international community’s
concerns, but it would be allowed to develop nuclear power.
There
would also be benefits with respect to the so-called war on terror.
However unlikely it may appear, Iran is a natural
ally in this struggle. It is a primarily Shiite state targeted
by supporters of al-Qaeda, who believe that there is a world
conspiracy against them on the part of Jews, Christians and Shiites.
The political will and vision to agree such a bargain appears
to be lacking in both Iran and the US at this time. Yet, Iran
did approach the US in 2003 for an accommodation, and has co-operated
with the Americans on Afghanistan, so an agreement may not be
impossible.
The other, more pressing, concern is that time is
running out - the closer Iran gets to building a nuclear weapon,
the more
difficult any bargain will be. It does not necessarily follow
that failure to reach a bargain will mean nuclear war between
Iran and Israel, the existence of which Iran refuses to recognise.
According to the most recent briefing published by the International
Institute for Strategic Studies, Israel has up to 200 nuclear
warheads. It has plenty of time to ensure that they are properly
dispersed and stored which, together with Israel’s missile
defence systems, would mean that Iran could not be certain of
destroying its nuclear weapons.
In those circumstances, the core
concept of deterrence would apply - the fear on the part of Iran
that any nuclear attack
by it would inevitably lead to its own destruction. But there
are other dangers - Iran getting nuclear weapons would increase
the likelihood of an end to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and
could lead to a nuclear arms race in the Middle East and Gulf.
Other states in the region which would feel threatened by Iranian
nuclear weapons include Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates,
Egypt, Turkey and the Gulf states. If some of these states
go nuclear, the possibility of nuclear weapons being used or
falling
into the hands of terrorists increases dramatically.
To prevent
such a scenario, targeted sanctions are likely to be used to
inhibit Iran’s nuclear programme. But they would
take time to bite and could drive the people of Iran into the
hands of their rulers - which would radicalise the region even
further.
Richard Whelan is an expert on the Middle East. His
book, Al-Qaedaism: The Threat to Islam, The Threat to the World,
is published by
Ashfield Press.
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